Misplaced power

Robert Gates, by all accounts, is as fine a public servant as can be found in Washington today, almost a throwback to a better time. He recently said at West Point that "any future Defense Secretary who advises the president to again send a big American land army into Asia or into the Middle East or Africa should 'have his head examined,' as General MacArthur so delicately put it." Americans should have their heads examined if they think they can sustain the massive military establishment of today or the self-serving military-industrial complex behind it. As teachers are fired, infrastructure remains decades behind our competitors and the middle class is told it must bear the brunt of austerity, this is an urgent issue.

It's worth understanding the context in which President Eisenhower coined the term. In his farewell address, the retired five-star general said:

A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction…

This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence — economic, political, even spiritual — is felt in every city, every statehouse, every office of the federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.

In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals so that security and liberty may prosper together.

Moscow on Lake Mendota

First they came for the communists, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a communist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak out because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for me and there was no one left to speak out for me. — Martin Niemoller

Soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union, I attended an Aspen Institute event for government officials and "businessmen" of the new Russia. At night, we went drinking, me tagging along with the legendary foreign editor of the Rocky Mountain News, Holger Jensen (imagine when great metro newspapers had such assets). Over copious amounts of vodka, caviar and smoked salmon, a Russian told this joke: The devil came for three souls, an Englishman, a Frenchman and a Russian. He told each he could have one day to enjoy his greatest earthly pleasure before being taken to perdition. The Englishman chose to walk the grounds of his estate, trailed by his loyal hound, reading Byron and Keats. The Frenchman, naturally, decided to spend a day in enchanting debauchery with his mistress, Madeleine. "And what about you?" the devil asked the Russian. "What would give you the greatest pleasure?" Without hesitation, the Russian replied: "Watching my neighbor's barn burn down."

I once told this story and added, "well, you had to be there." No more. If nothing else, the vicious attack on public employees and their unions illustrates that many Americans have achieved a special Slavic level of desolate envy and hatred. As the character says in the film, Moscow on the Hudson, "I love my misery…" This is on display in Madison, Wis., where unionized government workers are fighting to keep their collective bargaining rights, even as they try to compromise and give back on pensions. Yet polls show most Americans hate unions (although a new one indicates they support collective bargaining rights). Short-attention-span America can't recall a time when collective bargaining, unions, pensions and health-care benefits for workers and retirees were standard in this country. Purchased with union blood, they became the baseline for all workers, unionized or not. Now, as Americans get screwed with their 401(k)s, they either don't remember, or simply hate the workers who still enjoy these foundations of the middle class.

‘Austerity’

The problem with the "austerity" con can be stated simply: Governments in the richest nation in the world may be "broke," as Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker puts it, but the pain and sacrifice for righting this situation will not be shared, much less shared equally. This is the first recession in modern record keeping where the rich actually increased their share of wealth; average Americans continue to see their wages stagnate or erode — if they're lucky enough to have a job. Corporations have achieved their highest profits ever, but they're not hiring as unemployment remains at its worst levels since the Depression. The world capital markets are awash in dollars, largely being used to make more dollars via gambling ("trading") rather than to invest in productive, job-making enterprises, especially in the United States. So rich are the rich, and so detached are they from reality, that two American couples aboard a yacht have been murdered by Somali pirates, into whose clutches they heedlessly sailed as part of their blissful "lifestyle." When the pirates killed them, the U.S. Navy — that would be part of the commons of which the rich have such contempt — was negotiating to save them.

As Paul Krugman has masterfully pointed out, the Wisconsin battle is less about economics — for the state's finances are hardly as dire as Walker makes them out — as about power. The collective bargaining rights and pensions held by public workers there, which Walker, the Republicans and their puppet-masters such as the Koch brothers want to gut, were once foundational elements of the American middle class. Only 30 years of union busting and big lies about labor have caused most Americans to believe these teachers, firefighters, police officers and other civil servants are the enemy: Money-grubbing, overpaid parasites on the tax dollars of real hard working folks.

In fact, decades of tax cuts, especially for the rich, have a great deal to do with our present deficit troubles, whether at the state or federal level. But even the millions of low-wage workers who pay no federal taxes are part of the problem: They should be required to pay at least some, even symbolic, income taxes as the price of citizenship. Another big problem: The vast resources corporations put into tax-haven schemes, which means many of them pay no taxes at all, even as they benefit from the commons. Another big reason behind the deficits: The Great Recession and lack of real growth, partly because the economy has become more about making money from money and sending jobs offshore than producing dynamic growth in this country. Then there are two wars that have lasted longer than World War II — and does anyone wonder why we have a federal deficit that's a larger share of the economy than at any time since 1945 (e.g., the end of World War II, and tax rates on the rich were above 90 percent in the '40s and '50s to help pay that off). Meanwhile, what about hundreds of billions in corporate welfare? All this has helped government spending grow, along with average Fox-viewing Americans' insatiable appetite for government sevices. And yet none of this is part of our national conversation.

Carter and Reagan

This is the 100th anniversary of Ronald Reagan's birth, an event greeted with armies of hagiographers and one heart-felt personal book by his progressive son, Ron Reagan. It's also the 30th anniversary of Reagan's ascendancy to the presidency and the end of Jimmy Carter's one failed term in office. Carter is seen as the most successful and admirable former president, but still a personal riddle, as a new Rolling Stone article explores. As if Reagan was not one: Charismatic to the masses, friendly in person (I met him once, as part of a group of other journalists), but utterly distant and opaque beyond that to everyone except, perhaps, Nancy. Some of this sounds like Barack Obama. Maybe there's a certain sociopathic streak that comes with modern presidents. Either way, we live in Reagan's shadow, whether it's for good or bad. But we also live in Carter's.

A few years before he died, Hamilton Jordon, Carter's White House chief of staff, befriended me. He was nothing like the scheming party boy I had been taught to imagine as a young Republican. Instead, I found a man of uncommon depth, intelligence and grace, tempered by a long fight with cancer. It's not giving up any confidences to say Jordan found his boss could be as frustrating as he appeared to us on the outside. My problem with Carter, aside from the Goldwater it took years to cleanse from my system, was his Baptist preacher sanctimony. And, with the Afghanistan invasion by the Soviets and especially the Iranian embassy hostage debacle, he appeared weak and willing to preside over American decline.

But of course the story is more complicated. Ask who started the deregulation movement, appointed Paul Volcker as Fed chairman with a real mandate to break inflation, pushed the MX Missile and modernization of NATO's nuclear forces, as well as presided over building the world's most lethal ballistic missile submarine class, and you'd likely answer, "Reagan." In fact, it was Carter. Ask which president was more pragmatic, most pushed the Soviet Union on human rights, grew to genuinely hate nuclear weapons and proposed banning all ballistic missiles, and whose life-ling hero was Franklin Roosevelt, you'd probably answer, "Carter." It was, of course, Ronald Reagan. The U.S. policy (quietly) invoked to justify both Persian Gulf wars and our huge military presence there is the Carter Doctrine.

Nullification

The latest Kookocracy folly in Arizona is a nullification bill. According to the Arizona Republic, "proponents, including Gov. Jan Brewer and many GOP lawmakers, call their effort renewed federalism and cheer the push to reassert states' rights." States' rights, of course, is longstanding American paranoid code for de jure racism. Now, beyond that, it's used as a trope to do away with Obamacare and the EPA. But does anyone think a GOP federal government would allow, say, California to nullify a white-right law? This is just another set piece of white-right theater to keep the duhs and ignos distracted. Or is it? With more than six million people, Arizona has turned from national joke to national trend-setter, from its Jim Crow anti-immigration law to its becoming the most prominent hotspot for political violence (and isn't it interesting how quickly the national media backed away from any censure of the climate of violence and "anti-liberal" hate speech that led up to the assassination attempt on Gabby Giffords). What happens in Arizona doesn't stay in Arizona. And indeed, other red states want nullification, especially of the hated Obama health care revamp.

It's useful to recall the last time nullification was part of the national conversation. South Carolina passed a nullification act in 1832, to assert that the state would not be bound by a federal tariff that adversely affected the agrarian South. The South Carolinians backed down when they realized that President Andrew Jackson, no Barack Obama to put it mildly, would administer federal law with armed force — and if push had come to shove, Old Hickory would have done so with a bloody-mindedness than would have made Abraham Lincoln look like a pacifist, and the hotheads in Charleston and Columbia knew it. All this being history about which the Huppenthal home- and charter-schooled white-right are abysmally ignorant. Nevertheless, the Nullification Crisis was a step along the road to the Civil War. It was a sympton of an underlying unsustainable situation.

The crisis took place during a national economic downturn, as well as increasing sectional tension. Both of which apply today — and if the battle lines appeared more neatly drawn than today, it's useful to recall that most Southern states had strong pro-union movements. One of the most articulate anti-secessionists was Sam Houston. Again, we have sectional strife combined with a severe recession, and while the economy is on the mend the federal protection afforded the risky practices of the banksters virtually ensures another panic, sooner than later, and globalization is making the losers hurt ever more. All this drives political extremism.

Obamanation

We need to out-innovate, out-educate and out-build the rest of the world.

So said President Obama in his second State of the Union address, amid a seating-chart of good feelings but no era of good feelings. When Speaker Boehner wasn't looking bored or, when the president lauded him, weepy, he was no doubt figuring out beneath his tanned pate how to defeat every Obama initiative. Boehner thought bubble: "Post-partisan, my ass…" I am so far from our national zeitgeist that I'm sure this speech soared for most Americans, just as they loved him for the Tucson pep rally. So forgive me, but I found it uninspiring. Worse, it bordered on the delusional. This is his chance to talk to the largest audience of the year and it ended up sounding like a Who Moved My Cheese corporate seminar given before your entire department is outsourced to a "third-party vendor" in Bangalore. He even said, regarding globalization, "The rules have changed."

Ronald Reagan's best speeches can still move me, in spite of myself. Mr. Obama, who outraged the Clintons by saying he wanted to be a "transformational" president like Mr. Reagan, just doesn't connect, but as I write, I'm sure it's just me. But when Dutch spoke he was changing minds and persuading Americans to make a hostile Congress do his bidding (often to destructive long-term consequences, but effective nevertheless). Behind the scenes, Reagan was using executive orders to dramatically change the nation's course. The results behind the rhetoric are just as telling for Mr. Obama.

On the eve of the State of the Union, Carol Browner, the president's point person on climate change, announced her resignation. Nothing has been done over the past two years to address the greatest threat of our time. Nothing. The corporate capture of the Oval Office is complete with GE's Jeff Immelt replacing Paul Volcker as wise man, William Daley of JPMorgan Chase as chief of staff, and Gene Sperling, lately of Goldman Sachs, heading the economic council. The report of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission was leaked, and it properly detailed the risky business, regulatory laxness and swindles that led to the Great Recession. Republicans on the commission promptly disowned the report, issuing dissents (minorities getting liar loans caused the worst panic since the Great Depression, don't you know). The big finance playerz are back to business as usual, saved by the taxpayers. Nobody from Bear Stearns, Lehman, Washington Mutual, Goldman, etc. has done a perp walk. No high-speed rail line has opened or is even abuilding. We got a repeal of DADT, a big and overdue act of social justice and common sense. But the imperial adventures that underlie that need for manpower are as operative as during the Bush/Cheney years. We got "health care reform" but Americans are still in the clutches of the for-profit insurance industry. Mr. Obama transformational? Trust, but verify, as the Gipper would say.

Between the lines

At the risk of causing apoplexy among some readers, let me make a confession: I'm ambivalent about so-called birthright citizenship. This is a cause celebre among many conservatives. As the New York Times reports, "Arguing for an end to the policy, which is rooted in the 14th Amendment of the Constitution, immigration hard-liners describe a wave of migrants…stepping across the border in the advanced stages of pregnancy to have what are dismissively called 'anchor babies.' ”

They have a point. As Jack Rakove writes in his indispensable The Annotated U.S. Constitution and Declaration of Independence, the writers of the 1868 14th Amendment were entirely focused on the end of slavery and Reconstruction. First, they wanted to reverse Dred Scott, which held that even free African-Americans were not citizens; second, they wanted to give constitutional authority for the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and its efforts to prevent the old Southern ruling class from keeping the freedmen in serfdom (Jim Crow killed that ideal for a century). Yet I'm not thinking so much as an originalist as someone who believes the framers intended the Constitution to be malleable enough to change with the times. Neither they nor the writers of the 14th Amendment envisioned an overpopulated Third World country on our border, or our unthinking and venal appetite for its cheap labor.

We owe something to the immigrants we have exploited, particularly in Arizona and the Southwest (the anti-illegal immigration forces would deny even that). I'm just not sure citizenship for their children should be part of it. It's one of many areas that I come down between the battle lines that are neatly drawn by talk-radio ideology.

Tucson rallies

The white-right has been quick to deflect any criticism after the Giffords shooting, including Sarah Palin's appalling, but somehow strategic, use of the term "blood libel." The media have been willing accomplices, as usual. Anyone who has been paying attention since the frightening crowds egged on by Gov. Palin during the closing phases of the 2008 presidential campaign, the staged August disruptions of meetings with members of Congress in 2009 and the Tea Party and all its violent rhetoric and imagery — the connection to the shooting is unavoidable. And, as Pima County Sheriff Dupnik had the guts to say, there is a peculiar accelerant of Arizona political extremism applied to this fire. In the end, however, few minds will likely be changed.

But other factors are at work, too. We can debate and weigh them, but they must be considered.

I've driven by the place where the shooting took place many times. It's one of hundreds of off-the-shelf Spanish-Tuscan-schlock shopping strips with a huge, blazing parking lot plopped down across the state by the Real Estate Industrial Complex: ugly, characterless, dehumanizing and killing of genuine community. The same is true of the endless subdivisions of lookalike tract houses, built around a garage door rather than a front porch. The built environment does influence behavior and souls. It's telling that the attack took place there and not, say, along the Fourth Avenue business district in central Tucson. Most Americans like to believe crime happens in center cities; in reality, much of it, including some of the most hideous murders, occurs in suburbia and exurbia. Also, the 8th District, like most of Arizona, is so lacking in inviting public spaces that this is where Rep. Giffords had to set up her table to meet constituents.

Ideas have consequences

The attempted assassination of Gabrielle Giffords in suburban Tucson on Saturday brought many things to mind, some echoed on the weekend Rogue thread. One of my police buddies told me, "Is there any doubt?" that this crime is the fruit of the Kookocracy and its gun love. "The Kooks passed an insane law that says anyone but a convict can carry a concealed weapon. With no background and no training. I treat everyone, especially Kooks and gang bangers, as if they are carrying a 30-round Glock under their shirt." I thought about the death threats I regularly received when I was a columnist at the Arizona Republic from 2000 to 2007. I was pilloried with violent criticism. My house was photographed and placed on a prominent right-wing Web site (trying to make me out a hypocrite for blasting the Real Estate Industrial Complex while doing well with my own real-estate "investment"; in fact, the 97-year-old house was in the Midtown neighborhood where I grew up and we bought it intending to live there for the rest of our lives, not flip it in two years for a profit). A deranged individual could have used that photo as a springboard to something dangerous. After I appeared on a radio show, a friend in law enforcement was so troubled by hearing one caller to the program that he came to a book signing specifically to watch over me.

As Soleri pointed out, the false equivalency argument began almost immediately, even though virtually all the politically motivated violence in recent years has come from the right. More about that in a moment. By no means let us rush to judgment — but that shouldn't become an excuse to never reach it. My biggest reaction is how this event was very tied to Arizona. When I came back to Phoenix, I'd been a controversial columnist taking on the toughest issues in Denver, Dayton, Cincinnati and Charlotte, with my work carried nationally on the New York Times News Service and others. Yet I had never received a death threat. The climate in Arizona even in 2000 was different: More vicious and threatening, more abusive and thuggish, more filled with us-vs-them hate and paranoia.

The shooting also caused me to recall an exchange I had with my grandmother nearly half a century ago, in another America. In full thrall of cowboys and Indians, I asked her why now, in Phoenix, people didn't go around with six-shooters on their hips — a nice idea in my childish mind. My grandmother, born on the frontier and raised in Arizona Territory, said, "Men wore guns then so we wouldn't have to carry them today."

My generation

Mick Jagger is not a Baby Boomer. Barack Obama is. Complicated, no?

Making generalizations about the Baby Boomers is even more perilous than about most generations. This huge demographic birth wave ran from 1946 to 1964. But it is the most sweeping-statement generation in history, trailed perhaps only by the so-called Greatest Generation, their parents. It caused a USA Today moment last week when the first of 77 million Boomers started to turn 65. The kids are not all right. They never were. They were blamed for every societal ill growing up, exploited with the commercialized youth culture, despised by their elders and younger people as self-centered and pampered. Now they will be cast as slothful takers from the republic as they seek to withdraw what were once considered solemn promises of pensions, 401(k)s and Social Security.

I was born in 1956 and always thought I was dealt the worst hand. Too young to get in on the drugs, sex and rock 'n' roll. Too old to pretend to be a Gen Xer. Too young to have fought for civil rights and against the Vietnam War, or honorably fought in it and been vilified (the spitting incident is a myth). Too old to avoid the disco era and the years of mid-calf skirts. Still, I always hung out with the older ones, including the former combat medics from 'Nam, by then hippified and adamantly anti-war/anti-establishment, who taught me my craft on the ambulance. So, as I age, I feel a certain kinship with the stereotype of My Generation.

308,745,538

"Too many people spoil everything," my mother said. This when Phoenix passed the intolerable level of 600,000 residents and America 200 million. Now we're more than 100 million beyond that and it's difficult to argue we're that much better as a nation. The suburban apologist Joel Kotkin has written a book entitled, The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050. His thesis, as Publisher's Weekly puts it: "a very sunny…forecast for the American economy, arguing that despite its daunting current difficulties, the U.S. will emerge by mid-century as the most affluent, culturally rich, and successful nation in human history. Nourished by mass immigration and American society's proven adaptability, the country will reign supreme over an industrialized world beset by old age, bitter ethnic conflicts, and erratically functioning economic institutions." Funny, that dystopia sounds much like America in 2010. The success like America in 1970 or even 1990.

Thank God I saw the West when it was still relatively empty, when Arizona was such an exotic locale that most Americans had only seen it in Westerns. That's gone forever, especially in my home state, replaced by unmitigated ugliness almost every place that has been touched by human hands.

Interestingly, the decade's 9.7 percent growth rate nationally is the lowest since the Great Depression. Arizona clocked in as the nation's second-fastest growing state, at 24.6 percent, to reach 6.4 million. It probably would have seen an even larger population if not for the white-right war against Hispanics. Yet it is hardly 24.6 percent better by any other measure, certainly those involving quality of life or economic competitiveness. It barely made a dent in paying for the infrastructure to accommodate the 35-percent rise in the 1980s and the 40-percent rate of the 1990s. Nevada, No. 1 in growth this decade (35.1 percent), is an economic, social and environmental disaster. The nation as a whole is poorer, deeply in debt, mired in imperial adventures and falling behind the advanced nations of the world.

Things fall apart

"With the stroke of a pen, President Obama on Friday enacted the largest tax cut in nearly a decade and, in the process, took a big step toward reinventing himself as a champion of compromise in a politically fractured capital." Thus began a news analysis by one of the leading sources of elite opinion, The New York Times. Nevermind that the "tax cut" is really an extension of a rate reduction that failed to either propel growth or job creation after 10 years in place, and must be borrowed from our friends, the Red Chinese. The point, you see, is that Mr. Hoover has learned his lesson from the famous mid-term "shellacking." The Times reports, "the president who has emerged appears increasingly more confident than chastened, eager to revive his campaign image as a postpartisan leader who can work across party lines even at the cost of alienating his own supporters."

Many problems confront this scenario. One is that the Republicans are too smart, and the plutocracy behind them too powerful, to allow another Clinton triangulation. No amount of groveling before CEOs or the U.S. Chamber will cause them to like President Hoover. The plutocracy owns the Congress, and now, clearly, the Supreme Court. This is not the 1990s. It is a new Gilded Age with cheap trinkets from Asia to keep the proles distracted. And what did we get for Bill Clinton's vaunted triangulation anyway? Deregulation that killed millions of good jobs and set us up for the financial crash. Impeachment. A wasted presidency.

The deeper dilemma facing the president's strategy comes down to this: What is the center in America today? Does it even matter?

Book ’em

A column recommending books for the holidays might seem like a lazy columnist's trick (and I know 'em all). But as we collapse into a society of limited attention spans, where even smart people rarely venture outside their bunkers of expertise, where fewer and fewer American men are reading(!), let us brace ourselves to read and give books. Here are some that touch on issues we regularly address on Rogue:

The shelves groan under the number of books written about the financial crisis, its aftermath, causes and needed fixes. My favorites are Freefall: America, Free Markets and the Sinking of the World Economy, by nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz; 13 Bankers: The Wall Street Takeover and the Next Financial Meltdown, by Simon Johnson and James Kwak; Crisis Economics: A Crash Course in the Future of Finance, by Nouriel Roubini and Stephen Mihm, and Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future, by Robert Reich. It's a soup-to-nuts telling of the bought-off politics, bad policy, deregulation and greed that brought on the crash, to the steps we must take in order to save ourselves. Not that we will.

The latest cooked-up "conservative" distraction is about American "exceptionalism." If you want to see us at out best, and worse, and exceptional, read Taylor Branch's magisterial trilogy on America in the King years: Parting the Waters, Pillar of Fire and At Canaan's Edge. Every literate citizen should know these books and this history.

Death and taxes

As I write this, President Hoover is once again negotiating against himself, this time on extension of the Bush tax cuts. In exchange for a two-year extension on the Bush cuts, Mr. Obama will get, supposedly, a continuation of benefits for the unemployed and a reduction in payroll taxes. In another world, this would set up 2012 as a referendum on historically low taxes on the rich (and virtually no taxes on perfectly legal tax evasion by major corporations). But that world would require a Democratic wing of the Democratic Party, which no longer exists outside of a few members of Congress and underfunded advocacy groups. The American future is found, once again, in Arizona, which has attracted national attention for the Legislature's slash-and-burn approach to Medicaid. It's a program the state never would have adopted without a court order. Now, cuts to the program are a death sentence for transplant patients. Remember the hysteria during the health-care debate over "death panels." It's happening now, under Republican control, where the rich are protected and devil take the hindmost.

Expect more of the same, and not just in Medicaid. Our infrastructure is decades behind that of our competitors, and what we have needs $1.6 trillion just to get into good condition, according to the American Society of Civil Engineers. Most of our schools are underfunded, most of our teachers underpaid. American dominance in research and development is slipping. This is what happens when federal taxes are at a 60-year low, even as the demands (and, yes, appetites) of a complex, urbanized nation have grown. The inadequacy of tax revenue, along with the cost of empire and the recession, have put the deficit at 10 percent of GDP and debt nearly 93 percent of GDP. Yet the answers, from Mr. Obama's own commission, are to slam the middle class and start to welsh on Social Security, just as states are doing on their solemn pension obligations. Nevermind that conservative presidents and policies are most responsible for the red ink. Your tax cuts at work. At stake is whether we will still have a civilization, a meritocracy, a commons — or merely be a market for the Chinese and a looting ground for the rich playerz.