Valley of denial

ASU's Morrison Institute has always labored under two Sisyphean tasks. First, its public-policy scholarship necessarily antagonized the state's ruling elites — hence, it was forced to pull its punches to avoid losing funding, and, even then, the elites wouldn't accept its work. Second, it was treated in the media as the "liberal" equivalent of the (Bob) Goldwater Institute. This, even though the "Goldwater" Institute is an arm of the national right-wing advocacy machine, not a genuine think tank that engages in open-minded, peer-reviewed research. With the loss a few years ago of my sometime collaborator Mary Jo Waits, author of Morrison's most prescient and important works (Five Shoes, Meds and Eds), the institute became even more marginalized. Now Morrison is trying once again to become part of the conversation under the leadership of Sue Clark-Johnson, retired Arizona Republic publisher and close friend of ASU President Michael Crow.

Good luck. Unfortunately, the first effort, Forum 411, seems destined for the dustbin of forgotten, well-intended reports at an even faster speed than its predecessors. It is brief, as to be expected from an entity now headed by a former Gannett executive, and strives to be inoffensive. Think of a pep talk. Anthony Robbins on economic development. It states two broad themes: the obvious (Arizona needs to diversify its economy) and the untrue (which I will deal with momentarily). Worst of all, it leaves critical information entirely out. The loss of Waits' intellectual heft is obvious. So, too, is the continued bowing before the Real Estate Industrial Complex (the report's sponsor is the suburban mall developer, Westcor).

At the interchange

In the arresting prologue to his book, The Crisis of the Old Order, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. describes America on the day of the inauguration of Franklin Roosevelt — an economy nearly shut down, people starving, machine-gun nests around Washington, opinion-makers taking of the need for dictatorship, capitalism given up as dead, even the March sky dark and foreboding. Pace today's revisionists such as Amity Shlaes, FDR indeed restored confidence and began an economic recovery that was only tripped up when he reverted to his instinctive desire to balance the budget and back away from stimulus. If it makes them feel better, many of the New Deal's successes built off the programs first established by Herbert Hoover, the often unfairly maligned onetime progressive. Yet those policies had not been pushed with the energy or scale demanded by FDR.

Many liberals and progressives want to see the current economic phase of the Great Disruption as a Depression-like opportunity. Meanwhile, conservatives such as Ms. Shlaes — and the reactionary thugs who consider even Social Security, as they would phrase it, SOCIALISM!! — use the Depression and New Deal as a foil. The reactionaries back then wanted to raise taxes to balance the budget. Otherwise, today's right is little changed intellectually from its predecessors.

And yet as I watch us move along the leading edge of history every day, I doubt many of the Depression analogies. We are not yet, most of us, on our backs. We have lost a huge amount of wealth — more than we realize, when one factors in the 25 years of destructive mergers, deindustrialization, deunionization and unwise trade deals. The floodwaters intrude on our peripheral vision — a friend laid off, a "depressing" news story. Otherwise, life goes on. American Idol goes on. A new release of Grand Theft Auto. Watchmen brings to the screen "the greatest graphic novel of all time" (was Sad Sack a graphic novel?). Talk radio continues to stir up the faithful. We are entertained, distracted, agitated, yet sleepwalking. Hoping for the next bubble. The next "Flip this House" casino economy moment. We don't realize how gone it all is, gone with the wind.

I told you so

Every time the Arizona Republic's journalists manage to sneak in a story about the depression ravaging metro Phoenix, I am deluged with emails from people, telling me how "I called it" years ago — "You were so right." They are generous about my seven years as a columnist in my hometown. It didn't take a genius to see where Phoenix was heading. And, both to preserve my job and keep some alliances for the greater good, I pulled my punches way too often.

Sunday's story was headlined "Growth pattern crippled Phoenix." (Is it just me, or does the Republic usually use "Phoenix" in a headline about "bad" news, but "Valley" in every other reference to the metropolitan area?). It focuses on the disaster in the newest fringes of sprawl, but also calls into question the entire growth model. Or, as the story puts it, "Phoenix grew into the nation's fifth-largest city through a reliable
pattern: Build affordable homes on the metro area's edges, welcome
waves of new buyers, and then roads, schools and retail centers follow." It goes on:

One reason the current housing collapse has been so brutal in Phoenix
is how suddenly that pattern broke down. In only a couple of years, the
breakdown trapped people in unfinished communities much like a
fast-moving landslide buries people in their tracks.

Economics 101: Watch me fail to explain the crisis to the duhs and ignos

Commentators keep trying to explain the financial meltdown and subsequent bailout debate by using analogies that "average Americans" can understand. We hear such things as "imagine Wall Street was your kid that ate a big bag of candy and got sick, then wanted more candy," etc.

The problem is that the calamity is so bad partly because it is not simple. The venality behind it is something everyone should understand (and many "average Americans," with their get-rich-through-liar-loan-financed-rent-houses schemes participated in). But the essential mechanics and details of how we got here, and how the situation might be improved, are highly complex. This is a stark reminder of a danger facing us: America is saddled with one of the least informed electorates of an advanced nation, and one hardly as intelligent or engaged as their forebears who actually built the wealth in money, institutions and ideas that we are now rapidly throwing away. It shows the risk of the continued governance by "conservatism," which by its very nature can’t handle complexity.

Here’s an analogy for the bailout: triage, longer-term care and rehab. The paramedics and ER personnel need to identify those that can’t be saved and set them aside, while focusing on the most life-threatening cases where the patient can still be saved, leaving the less injured for later. But I can dumb it down no further. I can only add complicating factors. As in, the paramedics have tools that will have unpredictable effects not only on the patients but also on everyone in the world. The patients’ bodies are wired into everyone else in the world. And the medics are working on injuries they never trained for.

Simple enough? Of course not.

Barely avoiding economic judgment day, maybe

I’ve been traveling this week as the American financial markets came as close to collapse as at anytime since 1929. And make no mistake: this disaster is real, it will unfold in unexpected ways, and it won’t be an event that is over quickly such as in 1987 — or even the S&L scandal. Some early takes:

–It would be ironic if Republican John Sidney McCain III were elected and George W. Bush left one positive legacy by stabilizing the meltdown — the "let the markets rule" so-called conservatives, who saved the day thanks to mechanisms put in place by Woodrow Wilson, FDR and successive liberals. If we didn’t have tools such as the Fed, FDIC, SEC, etc. — this could have been a calamity on the order of the "panics" of the 19th century, with worldwide contagion.

–This event should totally discredit the deregulation, market-religion ideas pursued over the past 25 years — it is the direct result of these policies. But maybe not. The administration may use unprecedented intervention to save capitalism, and then go back to their Milton Friedman sock-puppet talking points. And the duhs and ignos won’t care — Obama’s black, remember?

–Gee, remember when W intended to "spend his political capital" privatizing Social  Security into the toxic investment bank dumps that are now failing? Republican John Sidney McCain III still wants to do this.